丘吉尔演讲主要内容 丘吉尔演讲精彩片段

大家好我是小乐，丘吉尔演讲主要内容，关于丘吉尔演讲精彩片段很多人还不知道，那么现在让我们一起来看看吧！

丘吉尔演讲主要内容 丘吉尔演讲精彩片段

丘吉尔演讲主要内容 丘吉尔演讲精彩片段

1、丘吉尔的铁幕演说语：1946年3月，英国前首相丘吉尔在美国富尔顿发表的反苏演说，又称铁幕演说。

2、铁幕演说也被认为是正式拉开了冷战的序幕。

3、以下是丘吉尔演讲的部分节选。

4、英文原文：The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the ll of achiment. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of pure, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I beli we shall, prove ourselves equal to this sre requirement.I he a strong adation and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russians and a resolve to persre through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.It is my duty, howr, to place before you certain facts about the present ition in Europe.From Stetting in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia; all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we he witnessed, or which occurred in former times, he sprung.Tw the United States has had to send sral millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars，But now we all can find any nation, wherr it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious pure for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communi is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely forable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eigh months from the end of the German war.I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to se the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I he the occasion and the opportunity to do so.I do not beli that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.But what we he to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prntion of war and the establishment of conditions of and democracy as rapidly as sible in all countries. Our difficulties and ers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our ers will become.From what I he seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they ade so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they he less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or n 1935, Germany might he been sed from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all he been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.There nr was a war in history easier to prnt by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could he been prnted, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.We must not let it happen again. This can only be achid by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or aenture. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come. ;。

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